Update
Polling stations
There are 8,392 polling stations, 119 more than in 2023; for 18 per cent of them the area voters com...
Despite extremely unequal conditions in the electoral race and the use of methods that systematically undermined the freedom to participate in the elections, yesterday confirmed that the government in Serbia can be changed through elections, above all thanks to an exceptionally high turnout, the highest this century.
Turnout was 69 percent, with a margin of error of ±1 percent. More than 4.4 million citizens voted.
The highest turnout was recorded in western Serbia - 70.5 percent, followed closely by Vojvodina - 70.2 percent and Belgrade - 70 percent. Turnout was somewhat lower in central Serbia - 67.2 percent and southern Serbia - 66.9 percent, and lowest in eastern Serbia - 64.1 percent.
This impressive turnout is the product of intensive citizen mobilisation and of the changes in social and political circumstances that have been unfolding over the past two years.
"Student List - Students Are Winning" won at least half a million votes more than the runner-up, "Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia", which remained at the level of votes it won in the last parliamentary elections in December 2023.
"Student List - Students Are Winning" won 52.45 percent of the vote (margin of error ±1.5 percent) and will have 138 (±2) seats in the National Assembly, an absolute majority allowing it to form the Government of the Republic of Serbia on its own.
"Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia" won 39.2 percent of the vote (margin of error ±1.3 percent) and will have 103 (±2) seats in the National Assembly.
Once the final election results are declared, the two largest lists may end up with two seats more or fewer than projected by the CRTA Observation Mission.
No other electoral contestant passed the threshold, except five of the nine minority lists: "Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians - Dr Bálint Pásztor" will win 3 seats (±1), "Rasim Ljajić - Ljudski (SDP - CDP)" 2 seats, "Albanian Coalition" 2 seats, "SDA of Sandžak - Guardians of Sandžak" 1 seat, and "Usame Zukorlić (SPP) Movement for Unification" 1 seat.
Among the minority parties, only the Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians may end up with one seat more or fewer than projected by the CRTA Observation Mission.
The Student List achieved its largest lead over the runner-up in Belgrade, around 31 percentage points, followed by Vojvodina with 13 percentage points, and central and western Serbia with 11 percentage points each. "Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia" achieved a clear lead only in southern Serbia, of around 8 percentage points, while in eastern Serbia the result was practically tied, with a lead of 1 percentage point.
All projections are based on CRTA's sample of polling stations, which does not include polling stations abroad, polling stations opened for voters from Kosovo, or penitentiary institutions. Once those votes are processed, minor corrections are possible.
Systemic manipulation at polling stations was largely prevented by the fact that a large number of Serbian citizens attached importance to the elections and the electoral rules, and took part in conducting and overseeing the elections at polling stations. Polling boards were staffed by well-prepared members, and a large number of citizens also took on other electoral roles, as observers and members of mobile teams.
The most widespread incidents included photographing of ballots, recorded at every second polling station. Voter identity was not consistently verified at 8 percent of polling stations, and whether a voter had already voted was not consistently checked at 29 percent, where the UV lamp and spray were not used consistently. The polling station was not properly set up at 14 percent of polling stations. Cases of obstruction of, or pressure on, the work of the polling board were recorded at every second polling station.
Restoring electoral integrity should be among the priorities of the new legislative and executive authorities, as the foundation for the recovery of democratic institutions. Serbia must never again go into elections marked, even to a far lesser extent than now, by the abuse of state and public resources, the de facto dysfunction of the institutions responsible for overseeing the electoral process, and the politicisation of the prosecution and police. This is especially important because presidential elections must be called by 27 November at the latest, so that they are held by 27 December this year at the latest.
These elections, too, were conducted on the basis of a disputed voter register, because its audit was sabotaged by captured and partly criminalised institutions.
Although no widespread systemic manipulation of the voter register was recorded on this election day, as it was in the 2023 parliamentary elections, the CRTA Observation Mission received, before and during election day, a number of reports from voters who had been unlawfully, and without their consent, transferred from Serbia to vote in Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Austria.
The fact that more than half of the electoral lists won fewer votes than the number of supporting signatures they submitted for their candidacy points to the continuity and normalisation of electoral engineering over many electoral cycles.
The "]election campaign effectively began well before the elections were called, marked by a further erosion of the line between the state and the ruling party. The campaign was characterised by threats to the freedoms of electoral contestants, restrictions on freedom of information, obstacles to the exercise of the right to vote, and interference with freedom of expression, freedom of association and independent election observation.
Strenuous efforts were made to bring the flow of information under the total control of the authorities, which included not only the abuse of large media systems but also attacks on social media accounts. Distrust in the assessments of independent domestic and international election observers was spread.
Instead of ensuring equal application of the law and a level playing field for electoral contestants, some institutions, from ministries to municipalities, took part in engineering the electoral infrastructure and the electoral offer.
The election administration is responsible for completing the process of determining the results lawfully, and the judicial authorities are responsible for investigating reported violations of electoral rights and ending the culture of impunity that has shielded perpetrators of criminal offences in the electoral process.
The CRTA Observation Mission thanks all observers and all citizens who took part in conducting and overseeing the elections, and thereby helped protect the integrity of the electoral process.
The Republic Electoral Commission (REC) must establish the preliminary results at a session within 24 hours of the closing of polling stations, that is, by 8 p.m. tonight. But the preliminary results are not final. Several more steps separate us from the final results.
For these elections, that is Thursday, 29 October, at 8 p.m., but only provided that no requests for annulment of voting at polling stations have been filed, and that voting is not repeated at individual polling stations for legal reasons (if the results cannot be established at the polling station, or if the conditions for annulling the voting ex officio have been met).
If requests for annulment of voting have been filed, the deadline runs only from the day the commission receives the final decisions or judgments on all legal remedies. If voting is repeated somewhere, the deadline runs from the closing of the last polling station where it was repeated.
Only once it has received all the summary reports does the REC have 96 hours to adopt and publish the overall report on the election results.
From then on, a simple rule applies: 72 hours, everywhere. An objection to the REC may be filed against decisions of local commissions, summary reports and the overall report within 72 hours of their publication. The REC decides within 72 hours. An appeal against a REC decision is filed with the Administrative Court within 72 hours, and the court decides within 72 hours of receiving the appeal together with the case files.
If voting is annulled somewhere, the REC issues a decision on repeat voting within three days, and the repeat voting is held within the following ten days, with a new polling board. This is why every objection filed and every repeat vote pushes back all subsequent deadlines.
After that, the REC has ten days to allocate the seats by decision. Seats are allocated to candidates in the order in which they appear on the list, starting from the first. Each elected MP receives a certificate of election, which is the basis for the confirmation of their mandate in the National Assembly.
The exact date will depend on the number of objections and on whether, and where, voting is repeated.
The National Assembly is constituted at the moment the mandates of two thirds of MPs are confirmed, that is, at least 167 of 250. At that same moment, the mandates of the MPs from the previous convocation end. The newly elected MPs then take the oath.
At the same session, the National Assembly elects its Speaker. The deputy speakers are then elected, the secretary general is appointed, parliamentary groups of at least five MPs are formed, and committee members are elected. These steps do not have to be completed on the same day, but the National Assembly is constituted by the confirmation of mandates.
After consultations with representatives of the elected electoral lists, the President of the Republic proposes a candidate for Prime Minister to the National Assembly. The candidate presents a programme and proposes the composition of the Government. The Government is elected if a majority of the total number of MPs, that is, at least 126, votes for it.
If the National Assembly does not elect a Government within 90 days of being constituted, the President of the Republic is obliged to dissolve the National Assembly and call new elections. If, for example, the National Assembly is constituted in early December, the deadline for electing the Government would expire in early March next year.
Turnout was 69 percent, with a margin of error of ±1 percent. More than 4.4 million citizens voted.
The highest turnout was recorded in western Serbia - 70.5 percent, followed closely by Vojvodina - 70.2 percent and Belgrade - 70 percent. Turnout was somewhat lower in central Serbia - 67.2 percent and southern Serbia - 66.9 percent, and lowest in eastern Serbia - 64.1 percent.
This impressive turnout is the product of intensive citizen mobilisation and of the changes in social and political circumstances that have been unfolding over the past two years.
"Student List - Students Are Winning" won at least half a million votes more than the runner-up, "Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia", which remained at the level of votes it won in the last parliamentary elections in December 2023.
"Student List - Students Are Winning" won 52.45 percent of the vote (margin of error ±1.5 percent) and will have 138 (±2) seats in the National Assembly, an absolute majority allowing it to form the Government of the Republic of Serbia on its own.
"Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia" won 39.2 percent of the vote (margin of error ±1.3 percent) and will have 103 (±2) seats in the National Assembly.
Once the final election results are declared, the two largest lists may end up with two seats more or fewer than projected by the CRTA Observation Mission.
No other electoral contestant passed the threshold, except five of the nine minority lists: "Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians - Dr Bálint Pásztor" will win 3 seats (±1), "Rasim Ljajić - Ljudski (SDP - CDP)" 2 seats, "Albanian Coalition" 2 seats, "SDA of Sandžak - Guardians of Sandžak" 1 seat, and "Usame Zukorlić (SPP) Movement for Unification" 1 seat.
Among the minority parties, only the Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians may end up with one seat more or fewer than projected by the CRTA Observation Mission.
The Student List achieved its largest lead over the runner-up in Belgrade, around 31 percentage points, followed by Vojvodina with 13 percentage points, and central and western Serbia with 11 percentage points each. "Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia" achieved a clear lead only in southern Serbia, of around 8 percentage points, while in eastern Serbia the result was practically tied, with a lead of 1 percentage point.
All projections are based on CRTA's sample of polling stations, which does not include polling stations abroad, polling stations opened for voters from Kosovo, or penitentiary institutions. Once those votes are processed, minor corrections are possible.
Systemic manipulation at polling stations was largely prevented by the fact that a large number of Serbian citizens attached importance to the elections and the electoral rules, and took part in conducting and overseeing the elections at polling stations. Polling boards were staffed by well-prepared members, and a large number of citizens also took on other electoral roles, as observers and members of mobile teams.
The most widespread incidents included photographing of ballots, recorded at every second polling station. Voter identity was not consistently verified at 8 percent of polling stations, and whether a voter had already voted was not consistently checked at 29 percent, where the UV lamp and spray were not used consistently. The polling station was not properly set up at 14 percent of polling stations. Cases of obstruction of, or pressure on, the work of the polling board were recorded at every second polling station.
Restoring electoral integrity should be among the priorities of the new legislative and executive authorities, as the foundation for the recovery of democratic institutions. Serbia must never again go into elections marked, even to a far lesser extent than now, by the abuse of state and public resources, the de facto dysfunction of the institutions responsible for overseeing the electoral process, and the politicisation of the prosecution and police. This is especially important because presidential elections must be called by 27 November at the latest, so that they are held by 27 December this year at the latest.
Restoring electoral integrity should be among the priorities of the new legislative and executive authorities, as the foundation for the recovery of democratic institutions.
These elections, too, were conducted on the basis of a disputed voter register, because its audit was sabotaged by captured and partly criminalised institutions.
Although no widespread systemic manipulation of the voter register was recorded on this election day, as it was in the 2023 parliamentary elections, the CRTA Observation Mission received, before and during election day, a number of reports from voters who had been unlawfully, and without their consent, transferred from Serbia to vote in Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Austria.
The fact that more than half of the electoral lists won fewer votes than the number of supporting signatures they submitted for their candidacy points to the continuity and normalisation of electoral engineering over many electoral cycles.
The "]election campaign effectively began well before the elections were called, marked by a further erosion of the line between the state and the ruling party. The campaign was characterised by threats to the freedoms of electoral contestants, restrictions on freedom of information, obstacles to the exercise of the right to vote, and interference with freedom of expression, freedom of association and independent election observation.
Strenuous efforts were made to bring the flow of information under the total control of the authorities, which included not only the abuse of large media systems but also attacks on social media accounts. Distrust in the assessments of independent domestic and international election observers was spread.
Instead of ensuring equal application of the law and a level playing field for electoral contestants, some institutions, from ministries to municipalities, took part in engineering the electoral infrastructure and the electoral offer.
The election administration is responsible for completing the process of determining the results lawfully, and the judicial authorities are responsible for investigating reported violations of electoral rights and ending the culture of impunity that has shielded perpetrators of criminal offences in the electoral process.
The CRTA Observation Mission thanks all observers and all citizens who took part in conducting and overseeing the elections, and thereby helped protect the integrity of the electoral process.
Next steps: what lies ahead formally
Polling boards had a maximum of 12 hours to hand over the election material to the local electoral commission. That deadline expired at 8 a.m. this morning.The Republic Electoral Commission (REC) must establish the preliminary results at a session within 24 hours of the closing of polling stations, that is, by 8 p.m. tonight. But the preliminary results are not final. Several more steps separate us from the final results.
From the polling station to the overall result
Among the further formal steps, we highlight the obligation of the local electoral commissions. Within 96 hours of the closing of polling stations, each of them adopts a summary report for all polling stations in its territory and sends it to the REC.For these elections, that is Thursday, 29 October, at 8 p.m., but only provided that no requests for annulment of voting at polling stations have been filed, and that voting is not repeated at individual polling stations for legal reasons (if the results cannot be established at the polling station, or if the conditions for annulling the voting ex officio have been met).
If requests for annulment of voting have been filed, the deadline runs only from the day the commission receives the final decisions or judgments on all legal remedies. If voting is repeated somewhere, the deadline runs from the closing of the last polling station where it was repeated.
Only once it has received all the summary reports does the REC have 96 hours to adopt and publish the overall report on the election results.
Protection of electoral rights: who, where and by when
Until 28 October, at 8 p.m. Until then, submitters of electoral lists and voters may request the annulment of voting at a polling station due to irregularities. A voter may request this for their own polling station if they were prevented from voting or if their right to free and secret voting was violated. The local electoral commission decides on the request within 72 hours.From then on, a simple rule applies: 72 hours, everywhere. An objection to the REC may be filed against decisions of local commissions, summary reports and the overall report within 72 hours of their publication. The REC decides within 72 hours. An appeal against a REC decision is filed with the Administrative Court within 72 hours, and the court decides within 72 hours of receiving the appeal together with the case files.
If voting is annulled somewhere, the REC issues a decision on repeat voting within three days, and the repeat voting is held within the following ten days, with a new polling board. This is why every objection filed and every repeat vote pushes back all subsequent deadlines.
Final results and allocation of seats
The overall report becomes final when the deadline for objecting to it expires, or when all objections and appeals have been decided with final effect. Until then, the REC works in its extended composition, with representatives of all lists.After that, the REC has ten days to allocate the seats by decision. Seats are allocated to candidates in the order in which they appear on the list, starting from the first. Each elected MP receives a certificate of election, which is the basis for the confirmation of their mandate in the National Assembly.
How long does this take in practice?
In the fastest scenario, without a single request for annulment of voting and without any repeat voting, the overall report could become final around 5 or 6 November.The exact date will depend on the number of objections and on whether, and where, voting is repeated.
Constitution of the National Assembly
The constitutional deadline of 30 days starts running from the day the final results are declared. The first session of the new convocation is scheduled by the Speaker of the National Assembly from the previous convocation, so that it is held no later than the last day of that period.The National Assembly is constituted at the moment the mandates of two thirds of MPs are confirmed, that is, at least 167 of 250. At that same moment, the mandates of the MPs from the previous convocation end. The newly elected MPs then take the oath.
At the same session, the National Assembly elects its Speaker. The deputy speakers are then elected, the secretary general is appointed, parliamentary groups of at least five MPs are formed, and committee members are elected. These steps do not have to be completed on the same day, but the National Assembly is constituted by the confirmation of mandates.
Election of the Government
With the constitution of the National Assembly, the next constitutional deadline, of 90 days, begins to run for the election of the Government.After consultations with representatives of the elected electoral lists, the President of the Republic proposes a candidate for Prime Minister to the National Assembly. The candidate presents a programme and proposes the composition of the Government. The Government is elected if a majority of the total number of MPs, that is, at least 126, votes for it.
If the National Assembly does not elect a Government within 90 days of being constituted, the President of the Republic is obliged to dissolve the National Assembly and call new elections. If, for example, the National Assembly is constituted in early December, the deadline for electing the Government would expire in early March next year.
