Forty-five observers took part in observing the election campaign in the field. The report was produced on the basis of 2,863 observer reports collected from 9 September up to and including 30 September 2026, in the course of which several hundred conversations were held with relevant actors and with citizens. The report presents the activities and phenomena recorded during observation and does not constitute a complete inventory of all campaign activities, nor of all phenomena in every municipality of Serbia. The methodology applied makes it possible to gain a view of the general atmosphere of the campaign, to recognise frequent patterns and to single out specific phenomena of significance for the integrity of the electoral process, the equality of electoral participants and freedom of political choice.
Sharp polarisation and unequal conditions for electoral competition marked the first half of the campaign across Serbia. The use of public office and public resources for party promotion, the discrediting of opponents and accounts of support being made conditional showed a continuity of the problems seen in the pre-election period and in earlier electoral cycles.
The campaign took on a pronounced referendum character. United Serbia built its support around Aleksandar Vučić, the governing record and promises of stability, while the Student List emphasised the fight against corruption and the depoliticisation of institutions. The other lists were considerably less visible on the ground. With some confirmed candidate lists, a disproportion was observed between the signatures collected and the activities carried out, which were almost absent, and this raised the question of the authenticity of their electoral role. A number of minority parties campaigned for the parliamentary elections and for the elections to the national minority councils at the same time.
The findings point to patterns rather than to isolated incidents. Almost every fourth observer report contained a possible breach or manipulation of the law (702 cases) in more than 90 cities and municipalities.
The institutional advantage of those in power was used directly to win party support. Senior officials used their official visibility to promote the ruling list, and publicly funded works and services were promoted through party channels. Over the three weeks of the campaign there were 321 recorded cases with elements of misuse of public office or public resources.
Extraordinary payments of public funds to citizens, announced earlier, were made during the campaign itself and were used to promote those in power. Citizens, pensioners and socially vulnerable groups received almost one billion euros in total. The scale, the timing and the promotional use of these payments further supported CRTA's earlier assessment that such measures serve to create an unfair electoral advantage in favour of those in power.
The discrediting of the Student List and of opposition voices was a prominent part of the campaign of the ruling lists. Through appearances by officials, through the media and through various campaign activities, they were portrayed as violent individuals, criminals and enemies of the state, while support for those in power was at the same time equated with the protection of society. Observer reports recorded 203 cases with elements of negative campaigning, obstruction or violence; almost every fourth concerned physical violence or verbal threats. The attacks affected a range of political and electoral actors, and the obstruction of journalists and observers undermined independent observation of the campaign.
In 122 cases, CRTA's observers recorded suspicions of pressure, clientelism, the buying of support or the misuse of personal data. Signatures, “safe votes” and participation in the campaign were sought alongside threats to people's employment, while jobs, assistance, money and public works were offered in return for support. The accounts involving socially vulnerable families and residents of homes for the elderly are of particular concern.
Sharp polarisation and unequal conditions for electoral competition marked the first half of the campaign across Serbia. The use of public office and public resources for party promotion, the discrediting of opponents and accounts of support being made conditional showed a continuity of the problems seen in the pre-election period and in earlier electoral cycles.
The campaign took on a pronounced referendum character. United Serbia built its support around Aleksandar Vučić, the governing record and promises of stability, while the Student List emphasised the fight against corruption and the depoliticisation of institutions. The other lists were considerably less visible on the ground. With some confirmed candidate lists, a disproportion was observed between the signatures collected and the activities carried out, which were almost absent, and this raised the question of the authenticity of their electoral role. A number of minority parties campaigned for the parliamentary elections and for the elections to the national minority councils at the same time.
The findings point to patterns rather than to isolated incidents. Almost every fourth observer report contained a possible breach or manipulation of the law (702 cases) in more than 90 cities and municipalities.
The institutional advantage of those in power was used directly to win party support. Senior officials used their official visibility to promote the ruling list, and publicly funded works and services were promoted through party channels. Over the three weeks of the campaign there were 321 recorded cases with elements of misuse of public office or public resources.
Extraordinary payments of public funds to citizens, announced earlier, were made during the campaign itself and were used to promote those in power. Citizens, pensioners and socially vulnerable groups received almost one billion euros in total. The scale, the timing and the promotional use of these payments further supported CRTA's earlier assessment that such measures serve to create an unfair electoral advantage in favour of those in power.
The discrediting of the Student List and of opposition voices was a prominent part of the campaign of the ruling lists. Through appearances by officials, through the media and through various campaign activities, they were portrayed as violent individuals, criminals and enemies of the state, while support for those in power was at the same time equated with the protection of society. Observer reports recorded 203 cases with elements of negative campaigning, obstruction or violence; almost every fourth concerned physical violence or verbal threats. The attacks affected a range of political and electoral actors, and the obstruction of journalists and observers undermined independent observation of the campaign.
In 122 cases, CRTA's observers recorded suspicions of pressure, clientelism, the buying of support or the misuse of personal data. Signatures, “safe votes” and participation in the campaign were sought alongside threats to people's employment, while jobs, assistance, money and public works were offered in return for support. The accounts involving socially vulnerable families and residents of homes for the elderly are of particular concern.
Field campaigning by electoral actors: organisation, activities and messages
Eighteen candidate lists were confirmed for the elections of 25 October, half of them (nine) with the status of national minority lists. The political offer consists of the parties of the ruling coalition, the existing opposition parties, the new Student List, minority parties, and smaller political organisations and groups gathered around individual leaders.
United Serbia and the Student List were the most visible on the ground and represented the two main poles of the electoral race, giving the campaign a referendum character. The ruling list presents the elections as confirmation of the existing direction in which the state is being run, while the Student List is gathering support for a change of government and for freeing institutions from party influence.
The campaigns of the remaining candidate lists are considerably less visible and narrower in territorial reach. For most of these actors, the first part of the campaign was largely taken up with collecting signatures and presenting their candidacies. The activities of some minority lists were visible primarily in places where they have a stable local infrastructure. For a number of minority parties, the parliamentary campaign ran in parallel with preparations for the elections to the national minority councils, so that activities, messages and the mobilisation of the same electorate partly overlapped across two electoral levels.
With certain other lists, several indicators raise doubts about the authenticity of the candidacy and about its actual electoral role: above all, the disproportion between the signatures collected and weak campaign activity, an unclear programme offer, and accounts of organisational or personnel links with other political actors.
What follows is an overview of the field activities of the candidate lists, of their main messages, of the ways in which they addressed voters and of the geographical reach of their campaigns.
United Serbia and the Student List were the most visible on the ground and represented the two main poles of the electoral race, giving the campaign a referendum character. The ruling list presents the elections as confirmation of the existing direction in which the state is being run, while the Student List is gathering support for a change of government and for freeing institutions from party influence.
The campaigns of the remaining candidate lists are considerably less visible and narrower in territorial reach. For most of these actors, the first part of the campaign was largely taken up with collecting signatures and presenting their candidacies. The activities of some minority lists were visible primarily in places where they have a stable local infrastructure. For a number of minority parties, the parliamentary campaign ran in parallel with preparations for the elections to the national minority councils, so that activities, messages and the mobilisation of the same electorate partly overlapped across two electoral levels.
With certain other lists, several indicators raise doubts about the authenticity of the candidacy and about its actual electoral role: above all, the disproportion between the signatures collected and weak campaign activity, an unclear programme offer, and accounts of organisational or personnel links with other political actors.
What follows is an overview of the field activities of the candidate lists, of their main messages, of the ways in which they addressed voters and of the geographical reach of their campaigns.
1. Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia
“United Serbia” ran a territorially widespread campaign, resting on the local infrastructure of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). Senior state officials took part in it, with the central role played by the President of Serbia and candidate for MP, Aleksandar Vučić. The calling of the elections did not mark the beginning of these activities: the SNS and state officials had been continuously active on the ground ever since the local elections in March, through party rallies, visits to construction works and public institutions, visits to families and to business people, conversations with citizens and participation in local events. After the elections were called, the existing party and officials' infrastructure was directed towards direct electoral mobilisation. In the first three weeks of the campaign, CRTA Election Observation Mission recorded activities of the list or of the SNS in all districts of Serbia.
The first major coordinated campaign activity was organised on 11 September, when the collection of signatures for the submission of the candidacy began almost simultaneously across the country. See the chapter “Conduct of the elections”. After the list was submitted, the campaign continued through stands, meetings of local party branches, conversations with citizens and receptions for citizens, door-to-door canvassing, visits to families, farms, companies and associations, the refurbishment of playgrounds and parks, and attendance at local events.
Chart 7.1. United Serbia: daily pattern of documented activities
The first major coordinated campaign activity was organised on 11 September, when the collection of signatures for the submission of the candidacy began almost simultaneously across the country. See the chapter “Conduct of the elections”. After the list was submitted, the campaign continued through stands, meetings of local party branches, conversations with citizens and receptions for citizens, door-to-door canvassing, visits to families, farms, companies and associations, the refurbishment of playgrounds and parks, and attendance at local events.
Chart 7.1. United Serbia: daily pattern of documented activities
United Serbia: daily pattern of documented activities
Source: CRTA Election Observation Mission, observer field reports, 9-30 September 2026; database export 5 October 2026. Total 937 reports.
Stands were the most frequently documented activity within the range of this list's activities. The campaign was conducted in city centres, in residential areas, at markets and during local events. A distinct format was provided by entertainment events, in which senior state and party officials took part alongside local party activists.
Among the participants were Ana Brnabić, Miloš Vučević, Siniša Mali, Darko Glišić, Bratislav Gašić, Adrijana Mesarović and Sara Pavkov. SNS, Instagram post on the collection of signatures for SNS Stari grad.https://link.crta.rs/11b; SNS, Instagram post on the collection of signatures for SNS Grocka. https://link.crta.rs/11c; SNS, Instagram post on the collection of signatures for SNS Vrnjačka banja. https://link.crta.rs/11d
Chart 7.2. United Serbia: the most frequent forms of documented activity in the first half of the election campaign
Chart 7.2. United Serbia: the most frequent forms of documented activity in the first half of the election campaign
United Serbia: most frequent forms of documented activity in the first half of the election campaign
Source: CRTA Election Observation Mission, observer field reports, 9-30 September 2026.
The campaign was personalised around the President of Serbia and candidate Aleksandar Vučić, but it was carried out day to day through the local party network. Vučić was the central political authority, the list's lead candidate and its main symbol, while Miloš Vučević, second on the list, organised the tour “On the campaign trail with Miloš” (“Sa Milošem u kampanji”)
Vučević's activities were documented in 28 cities and municipalities during the observation period.
. Ana Brnabić, third on the list, raised the visibility of selected local events, including stands, visits to families and entertainment events. Other candidates for MP were not visible to the same degree as the most senior state officials.
The main campaign messages were unity, stability, continuity and the governing record, while a rounded electoral programme was presented less often. [ Aleksandar Vučić presented the election programme of United Serbia at a rally in the Arena on 3 October, https://link.crta.rs/13f Local projects and infrastructure works were used as confirmation of the ability of those in power to continue the existing direction of governance. More specific economic messages were addressed to pensioners, farmers and business people, while young people and women appeared more often as groups for party mobilisation than as the subject of specially developed policies. The themes of the environment and of care for children were also present.
The contrast with the leading opposition Student List shaped both the messages and the mobilisation methods of “United Serbia”. Some activities were reactive in character, as a direct response to previously announced student campaign points and gatherings, with the membership being mobilised and party stands set up nearby. Representatives of the list linked the students and their supporters to blockades, violence, foreign interests and a “colour revolution”. Negative campaigning, “plaster” activities and the targeting of political opponents are dealt with in more detail in a separate chapter.
The main campaign messages were unity, stability, continuity and the governing record, while a rounded electoral programme was presented less often. [ Aleksandar Vučić presented the election programme of United Serbia at a rally in the Arena on 3 October, https://link.crta.rs/13f Local projects and infrastructure works were used as confirmation of the ability of those in power to continue the existing direction of governance. More specific economic messages were addressed to pensioners, farmers and business people, while young people and women appeared more often as groups for party mobilisation than as the subject of specially developed policies. The themes of the environment and of care for children were also present.
The contrast with the leading opposition Student List shaped both the messages and the mobilisation methods of “United Serbia”. Some activities were reactive in character, as a direct response to previously announced student campaign points and gatherings, with the membership being mobilised and party stands set up nearby. Representatives of the list linked the students and their supporters to blockades, violence, foreign interests and a “colour revolution”. Negative campaigning, “plaster” activities and the targeting of political opponents are dealt with in more detail in a separate chapter.
2. Ivica Dačić - A Factor of Stability
The second confirmed candidate list, “Ivica Dačić - A Factor of Stability”, ran a campaign resting on local party branches and on Ivica Dačić's long-standing political recognisability. CRTA's observation mission documented stands in Belgrade, Užice and Sombor, conversations at the market in Rakovica (Belgrade), the presentation of candidates in Kruševac, a meeting for the Pomoravski district and participation in the Župska berba. Unlike “United Serbia”, the list did not hold a national tour; instead, local party branches ran the day-to-day campaign, while Ivica Dačić visited selected events and stands. In communication terms, the campaign combined state-building and political stability with social justice, and with the expression “the silent majority” the list addressed citizens who, according to its messages, are tired of conflict and want a normal life and visible progress in their households.
KruševacPress, “Candidates of the ‘Ivica Dačić - A Factor of Stability’ list from the Rasinski district presented”, https://link.crta.rs/11g; KruševacPress, “Ivica Dačić's message from Kruševac: we are a safe harbour when there is chaos, and the home of all leftists is the SPS”, https://link.crta.rs/116;
3. Student List - Students Are Winning
The Student List ran a decentralised and broadly based field campaign, built on the collective identity of the movement, on direct contact with citizens and on anti-corruption messages. In this period the campaign was not personalised; it was carried by a network of local student groups, candidates and volunteers, with a shared programme, a shared visual identity and nationally coordinated actions. During the observation period, CRTA's observation mission recorded activities of the list in all districts of Serbia. The campaign was also extended to Republika Srpska, the Brčko District and the diaspora, but was discontinued because of the reactions of the authorities there.
See the section “Polarisation, obstruction and security incidents”.
The Student List's campaign began with a rally in Novi Sad, where several candidates were presented - while all of its candidates were known once the list was confirmed on 15 September. The campaign to collect signatures for the submission of the list was followed by the coordinated presentation of the document “The student plan - We know how” (“Studentski plan - Mi znamo kako”), and then by the spread of stands, of door-to-door canvassing, of the “A student in every village” (“Student u svakom selu”) action and of the “Guardians of the Constitution” (“Čuvari Ustava”) cycling tour. The citizens' group was founded on 9 September, the regional presentation of the “Studentski plan” began on 15 September and the cycling tour on 17 September, https://link.crta.rs/111
Chart 7.3. Student List: daily pattern of documented activities
The Student List's campaign began with a rally in Novi Sad, where several candidates were presented - while all of its candidates were known once the list was confirmed on 15 September. The campaign to collect signatures for the submission of the list was followed by the coordinated presentation of the document “The student plan - We know how” (“Studentski plan - Mi znamo kako”), and then by the spread of stands, of door-to-door canvassing, of the “A student in every village” (“Student u svakom selu”) action and of the “Guardians of the Constitution” (“Čuvari Ustava”) cycling tour. The citizens' group was founded on 9 September, the regional presentation of the “Studentski plan” began on 15 September and the cycling tour on 17 September, https://link.crta.rs/111
Chart 7.3. Student List: daily pattern of documented activities
The Student List: daily pattern of documented activities
Source: CRTA Election Observation Mission, observer field reports, 9-30 September 2026; database export 5 October 2026. Total 289 reports.
Direct contact with citizens is the most visible feature of the campaign. Stands are the most frequently documented form and were organised in city centres, at markets, in suburban neighbourhoods and in villages. Door-to-door canvassing and the “A student in every village” action carry the same approach to citizens who do not come to rallies and campaign points. Alongside stands and door-to-door canvassing, the Student List organised thematic public meetings on health care, education, agriculture, employment, environmental protection and social protection, at which candidates and experts presented programme solutions.
Magločistač, “Public meeting of the Student List ‘Students Are Winning’ in Bačka Topola: environmental problems, too, are a consequence of institutions not functioning”, https://link.crta.rs/11e
Chart 7.4. Student List: the most frequent forms of documented activity
Chart 7.4. Student List: the most frequent forms of documented activity
The Student List: most frequent forms of documented activity
Source: CRTA Election Observation Mission, observer field reports, 9-30 September 2026.
The “Guardians of the Constitution” cycling tour
“Students in Blockade”, Instagram post on the cycling tour “Guardians of the Constitution” (“Čuvari ustava”) of “Students in Blockade”. https://link.crta.rs/11f
was conducted along two routes, during which welcoming gatherings, conversations with citizens and presentations of the candidates and of the programme were organised, while copies of the Constitution served as a symbol of the demand that institutions and laws apply equally to everyone. On 22 September the campaign was also extended to Republika Srpska and the Brčko District.
The routes through Republika Srpska and the Brčko District covered Bijeljina, Brčko, Trebinje, Doboj, Višegrad, Banjaluka, Bratunac and Zvornik.
A strong campaign was also run to mobilise voters in the diaspora to vote and to join the support network.
The anti-corruption framing was supplemented by an emphasis on the candidates' expertise and on concrete solutions. The programme covered institutional reforms, media freedom and the depoliticisation of the public sector, but also economic, social, education, health and agricultural policies. The plan contains 11 points arranged in three parts: “Serbia or the mafia” (“Srbija ili mafija”), “Knowledge is power” (“U znanju je moć”) and “Serbia grows with us” (“Srbija raste sa nama”): https://link.crta.rs/138 The campaign was not systematically directed at individual demographic groups, but adapted to different settings and forms of participation. Separate actions were aimed at villages and smaller settlements, at voters outside Serbia, at volunteers and at future election controllers, while young people, women, pensioners and professional groups are less often singled out as separate target groups. The participatory character of the campaign was also reflected in the fact that citizens themselves made and wore “Students Are Winning” T-shirts, hoodies and tote bags.
The anti-corruption framing was supplemented by an emphasis on the candidates' expertise and on concrete solutions. The programme covered institutional reforms, media freedom and the depoliticisation of the public sector, but also economic, social, education, health and agricultural policies. The plan contains 11 points arranged in three parts: “Serbia or the mafia” (“Srbija ili mafija”), “Knowledge is power” (“U znanju je moć”) and “Serbia grows with us” (“Srbija raste sa nama”): https://link.crta.rs/138 The campaign was not systematically directed at individual demographic groups, but adapted to different settings and forms of participation. Separate actions were aimed at villages and smaller settlements, at voters outside Serbia, at volunteers and at future election controllers, while young people, women, pensioners and professional groups are less often singled out as separate target groups. The participatory character of the campaign was also reflected in the fact that citizens themselves made and wore “Students Are Winning” T-shirts, hoodies and tote bags.
4. Rasim Ljajić - Ljudski (SDP - CDP)
The “Rasim Ljajić - Ljudski” list is running one of the more visible campaigns among the smaller lists, strongly personalised around Ljajić and based on a combination of regional infrastructure and visits to other parts of Serbia. The campaign opened with a rally in the Pendik hall in Novi Pazar and continued with conversations with citizens in neighbourhoods and villages, visits to local events and visits to Čačak, Lučani, Knić, Mrčajevci, Šabac and Vranje. The main messages concerned the record of the local authorities, development, peace, stability, inter-ethnic relations and “normality”, with the aim of the list winning five or six seats. Although the campaign rests most firmly on Novi Pazar and Sandžak, its territorial breadth shows an effort to convert Ljajić's recognisability and his existing political network into support beyond that regional base. The campaign is also accompanied by a dispute over the list's minority status, which, together with the circumstances of signature collection in Kragujevac, is examined in the chapter of this report on the signature collection process.
SDP, Facebook post on the SDP pre-election rally in the Pendik hall in Novi Pazar. https://link.crta.rs/117/; SDP, Instagram post on Čačak, Lučani, Knić, Mrčajvci, visits to these places and conversations with citizens, SDP. https://link.crta.rs/118; RTV Novi Pazar, “Ljajić: we want greater representation and a stronger voice in parliament”, 27 September 2026, https://link.crta.rs/119
5. Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians - Dr Bálint Pásztor
The Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (SVM) ran a territorially concentrated campaign directed at places where members of the Hungarian community live. Observers recorded billboards in Sombor and a visit to Čantavir, as well as citizens' assemblies (zborovi), public meetings and conversations across Vojvodina. The campaign, under the slogan “Hungarian Unity” (“Mađarsko jedinstvo”), rests on the message that the interests of Vojvodina Hungarians can be effectively represented only by a Hungarian party, together with the presentation of its record and of local plans in education, health care, culture and the development of settlements. The organisation is tailored to a clearly defined electorate: communication takes place in Hungarian, candidates and topics are tied to specific settlements, and the parliamentary campaign is linked to preparations for the elections to the national councils. At the same time, the message of “Hungarian unity” is the subject of controversy within the community: the SVM is gathering the support of some Hungarian organisations, while others support the Student List.
SVM, Instagram post on Balint Pastor at a public meeting during a visit to the Hungarian cultural society “Petefi Šandor”. https://link.crta.rs/11a
6. Usame Zukorlić (SPP) Movement for Unification
The Party of Justice and Reconciliation (SPP) ran a field campaign predominantly in Sandžak, in which its messages were subordinated to the specific problems of individual settlements and to direct conversation with citizens. Observers recorded visits to markets, to urban neighbourhoods and to villages in the areas of Novi Pazar, Tutin and Sjenica. Beyond the territory of Sandžak, field campaigning was also recorded in Niš and Preševo. Representatives and activists of the list spoke with citizens about roads, the water supply and other basic infrastructure, health care, investment and employment. The conversations were not limited to party supporters but also included entrepreneurs, the civil sector and humanitarian and religious organisations. The campaign presents itself with the slogan “Fewer divisions, more results” (“Manje podjela, više rezultata”). The inclusion of young people and of women was highlighted as a distinct organisational line, and women make up more than half of the candidates on the list. The campaign ran in parallel with preparations for the elections to the Bosniak National Council, so the SPP is using the same model of direct mobilisation to consolidate its position in Sandžak at two electoral levels.
7. Russian Party - Serbia in BRICS - Slobodan Nikolić
The Russian Party had a limited recorded field campaign, with a stand in Jagodina and public appearances by Slobodan Nikolić. Closer ties with BRICS were presented as an economic alternative, through access to large markets and opportunities for Serbia's development.
The Russian Party, post on the party's website, 26 September 2026, archived 6 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/13e
Even so, the volume of recorded activity remains disproportionately smaller than the geographical spread of the signatures collected.
8. Authentic Right - Dr Miloš Jovanović (Novi DSS - MONARHISTI - Srpska koalicija NADA - Nacionalno demokratska alternativa - NOVA DEMOKRATSKA STRANKA SRBIJE - POKRET ZA KRALJEVINU SRBIJU) - ODVAŽNO SRPSKI!
The campaign of “Authentic Right” was visible through appearances on local television stations, public meetings and visits to local events
For example, the Šabački vašar and the Dani ludaje in Kikinda.
. Its field appearances also include stands and conversations about local economic issues, such as the mines and the position of miners in Knjaževac. Miloš Jovanović is the main face of the campaign, but Predrag Marsenić and other candidates also appear in it. The campaign links Serbia's membership of the European Union with the loss of national identity, with pressure over Kosovo, with market liberalisation and with a threat to domestic agriculture, while offering as an alternative cooperation with the EU on the “Swiss model”, through bilateral agreements without membership.
Authentic Right, Instagram post on Authentic Right on KTV. https://link.crta.rs/114; Authentic Right, Instagram post on Authentic Right in Jagodina. https://link.crta.rs/11h; Authentic Right, Instagram post on Authentic Right in Knjaževac. https://link.crta.rs/115
9. European Serbia - Marinika Tepić - Zdravko Ponoš (STRANKA SLOBODE I PRAVDE, SRBIJA CENTAR - SRCE, SOLIDARNOST)
“European Serbia” ran a predominantly media-based campaign, with more concrete proposals in the area of the fight against corruption. After the list was submitted, the campaign mainly took the form of press conferences, statements, media appearances and social networks. In addition to media appearances, programme-focused public meetings and individual field actions were recorded. In Raška, activists, together with local citizens' initiatives, visited households and handed out instructions for checking the voter register. The campaign was also accompanied by disagreement within the local party network: in Žitorađa the branches of the Freedom and Justice Party (SSP) and of Srbija Centar - SRCE backed the Student List, while in Prokuplje the withdrawal of a candidacy was recorded, along with a call for the coalition to abandon running on its own. The list linked European integration with the rule of law, an independent judiciary, free media, a professional police force and a higher standard of living. Among its concrete proposals, the most notable are an “anti-corruption radar” for checking major public contracts, a National Fund for the Recovery of Stolen Money and a review of disputed contracts. With the document “A Guarantee for a European Serbia” (“Garancija za Evropsku Srbiju”), the coalition's leaders also undertook not to cooperate with the SNS after the elections, seeking in this way to ease the doubts raised by their decision to run separately, by the withdrawal of individual candidates and by the support that some local branches have given to the Student List.
SSP, post on its Instagram page on the European Declaration. https://link.crta.rs/11y
10. SDA of Sandžak - Guardians of Sandžak
SDA Sandžaka began its campaign as a regional one, directed at the political representation of Bosniaks and at the development of Sandžak. Signature collection was organised through local branches, and a rally presenting the list and its programme was held in Novi Pazar. The SDA put decentralisation, balanced regional development, equality before the law, lustration, care for the family and conditions for young people to remain in Sandžak in the foreground. The name “Guardians of Sandžak” continues the party's identity line, but the first candidate on the list is Ahmedin Škrijelj, while Sulejman Ugljanin retains the role of its main political authority.
SDA Sandžaka, post on the party's website, 27 September 2026, archived 6 October, https://link.crta.rs/13g
At this stage, therefore, the campaign is clearer in its identity and programme than in the scale and variety of its activities on the ground.
11. Bogoljub Karić - Movement Strength of Serbia - BK
Pokret SNAGA SRBIJE - BK is running a territorially limited and highly personalised campaign, based on the public appearances of Bogoljub Karić and on promises of economic and demographic recovery. During the first three weeks of the campaign, CRTA's observation mission documented his visits to Crna Trava, Požarevac and Aleksandrovac, as well as signature collection in Niš, Novi Sad and Požarevac. Karić used local events, conversations with citizens and visits to party offices for messages about opening factories, attracting investment, developing family entrepreneurship and agriculture, bringing young people back and reviving underdeveloped areas. In Novi Sad, Karić gave his economic messages concrete form with promises about modernising irrigation and developing the food industry. The campaign relied almost entirely on his personality and his business biography.
12. Liberal Green Party - For a Free and Cleaner Serbia
The Liberal Green Party had a localised campaign, with a recorded stand in Niš and posts about signature collection in Niš and Aleksinac. The posts were also aimed at presenting the party's local organisation, but a broader programmatic address to voters remained poorly documented in the observation period. The list was submitted on 30 September. With this list, indicators were also identified that raise doubts about the authenticity of the candidacy: a poorly documented campaign, changes in the formal proposers of earlier lists linked to Dejan Žujović, and a mismatch between the signatures collected and the votes won. All seven lists linked to this grouping in the local elections in March 2026 won fewer votes than the number of support signatures they had submitted.
13. I Choose Justice - I Choose the Future - Coalition SNAGA - Prof. Dr Ferid Bulić - Vasilios Proveleggios - Stranka budućnosti i razvoja/Stranka budućnosti i razvoja-Građanska stranka Grka Srbije
Koalicija SNAGA was visible primarily through the formation of a joint candidacy by the Party of the Future and Development and the Civic Party of Greeks of Serbia. The list's lead candidates are Ferid Bulić (Bosniak minority) and Vasilios Proveleggios (Greek minority). The agreement was signed on 23 September, with an announcement that signature collection would begin the following day. The messages concerned balanced development, equal opportunities and improving the quality of life, together with a promise that citizens' interests would come first. By the end of September, no more detailed field appearances had been recorded that would show how these general messages are developed before voters. The small number of candidates (nine per cent of a full list) and the absence of any recorded signature collection raise the question of how developed its political organisation is and of what its actual role in the electoral race is.
14. Party of Russian-Serbian Unity - Russians and Serbs Brothers Forever
During September, the Party of Russian-Serbian Unity was more visible through building its organisation and preparing its candidacy than through field campaigning. According to the party's posts, two independent councillors in Smederevo joined it on 16 September, an initial committee was formed on 18 September, and signatures were collected in Belgrade from 21 September. The message of Russian-Serbian brotherhood remains the clearest feature of its electoral presentation. Its programme themes (relations with Russia and membership of BRICS, halting European integration, a ban on the work of non-governmental organisations financed from abroad) were set out publicly. The list was confirmed as a minority list.
15. Dad, This Is for You - Petar Đurić - Prime Minister of Serbia
The “Dad, This Is for You” movement built its campaign around Petar Đurić, criticism of those in power and appearances on social networks, with little recorded field activity. In addition to its digital appearances, a stand and the presentation of the municipal branch in Kovin were recorded, as were activities around signature collection in Belgrade and Požarevac. Corruption, police brutality and the dysfunction of the judiciary stand out among its messages, together with support for European integration and for the decriminalisation of cannabis. Despite its opposition to those in power in public appearances, accounts of the use of SNS infrastructure to collect support signatures for this list raise the question of the movement's relationship with the ruling party.
16. Vladimir Gajić - Alternative for Serbia - NARODNA STRANKA, BUNT-Prava Srbija - БУНТ- Настоящая Сербия
Alternativa za Srbiju, made up of the People's Party and Bunt - Prava Srbija, was visible through the preparation of its candidacy and through the media appearances of Vladimir Gajić. Signature collection was directly recorded in Niš and Čačak, while in Rakovica a stand was seen without visitors, and certification times were published for Belgrade and for a number of other cities. Gajić presents the coalition as an alternative both to those in power and to the Student List. In an interview on 28 September he argued for a halt to negotiations with the European Union for as long as the recognition of Kosovo is a condition, for withdrawal from the Brussels Agreement and for closer ties with BRICS and cooperation with China and Russia. Doubts about the authenticity of this list are fuelled by the earlier electoral appearances of BUNT, one of the coalition's members, under names that did not clearly reveal its party identity and that in one case resembled the name of another political actor. The limited field activity of the present coalition and the fact that only 20 per cent of the 250 possible candidates for MPs have been filled further raise the question of its authenticity.
17. Albanian Coalition
The campaign of “Albanian Coalition” was marked by a joint candidacy of Albanian parties and by messages about the fight against discrimination and greater parliamentary representation of Albanians, with limited visibility of field activities. The coalition was formed on 29 September, when eight Albanian parties from Preševo, Bujanovac and Medveđa signed an agreement on a joint list in Priština, in the office of the Prime Minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti. Signatures were collected from 2 October, and the list was confirmed as a minority list with 10 candidates, headed by Šaip Kamberi. Its public messages concerned the fight against discrimination and greater representation of Albanians in the National Assembly of Serbia. No developed field appearances by the coalition were recorded during the first part of the campaign.
18. Mother Serbia - GRUDA
The Mother Serbia - Gruda list entered the electoral process at the end of the deadline for candidate registration, with limited visibility of campaign activities. It was submitted on 4 October and confirmed on 5 October as a national minority list, with 28 candidates headed by Vitomir Nedeljković and 5,237 certified support signatures. With this list, certain indicators can be identified that raise doubts about its authenticity: the limited visibility of field activities and the earlier appearances of the party “Strong Serbia - Silné Srbsko” (“Jaka Srbija - Silné Srbsko”), now Gruda, under names that did not clearly reveal the proposer, as well as its earlier appearance on the SNS list in Kragujevac in 2020.
Among the actors whose lists were not confirmed by the expiry of the deadline on 4 October, the most visible on the ground in September were Uglješa Grgur and Ratni veterani Srbije. Signature collection was documented for both, but to differing extents. Uglješa Grgur's citizens' group was recorded in Niš, Leskovac, Novi Sad, Kragujevac and Požarevac, with accounts of money being offered for a signature in Niš. The veterans collected signatures in Kragujevac and Stalać, and on 11 September they published a 25-point programme. Roma parties had also announced that they would stand in the elections, but abandoned the idea. After an internal split and news that the party president's health had deteriorated, Pokret Mi - Snaga naroda will not take part in the electoral race this time either. The People's Serbia coalition, made up of Miroslav Aleksić's People's Movement of Serbia, Novo lice Srbije and Ekološki ustanak, also withdrew from participation. Their list “Izbor naroda” was confirmed on 18 September, and on 22 September the coalition filed notification of its withdrawal, explaining the decision by its support for the Student List and by an effort to contribute to the “referendum atmosphere” of the elections.
Recurrence of contested practices in the election campaign
The campaign was accompanied by findings and accounts of the misuse of public office and public resources, of pressure during signature collection, of the involvement of employees (from the public and private sectors) in party activities, of clientelist practices, of the use of children in party promotion, of verbal and physical attacks, of intimidation and of negative campaigning.
The findings show regularities that go beyond individual incidents:
The findings show regularities that go beyond individual incidents:
The recurrence of similar phenomena in the same settings, their recording in several places on the same day and their concentration in particular stages of the campaign point to patterns rather than to a series of unconnected incidents. Such patterns were also recorded in previous electoral cycles.
State and party: the institutional advantage of those in power
Through the activities of the public authorities, of public officials and of the ruling “Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia” list, cases are recorded of the merging of the state and the ruling party and of voters being misled through the unfair use of institutional advantages.
While between 9 and 30 September almost every third recorded activity connected with the ruling “Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia” candidate list pointed to a possible manipulation or breach of the law, every fifth concerned the misuse of public resources and public office. These phenomena were recorded in 66 cities and municipalities.
The most frequent type of misuse capable of misleading voters about the relationship between the state and the party concerned the linking of the achievements of institutions to party credit.
Chart 7.5. Almost a third of the recorded activities of the ruling list contain possible misuse or manipulation of the law, and almost every fifth concerns possible misuse of public office and public resources
While between 9 and 30 September almost every third recorded activity connected with the ruling “Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia” candidate list pointed to a possible manipulation or breach of the law, every fifth concerned the misuse of public resources and public office. These phenomena were recorded in 66 cities and municipalities.
The most frequent type of misuse capable of misleading voters about the relationship between the state and the party concerned the linking of the achievements of institutions to party credit.
Chart 7.5. Almost a third of the recorded activities of the ruling list contain possible misuse or manipulation of the law, and almost every fifth concerns possible misuse of public office and public resources
Almost a third of the recorded activities of the ruling list involve possible misuse or manipulation of the law
Misuse of public office and resourcesOther possible misuse or manipulation of the lawNo contested phenomenon
Source: CRTA Election Observation Mission, observer field reports, 9-30 September 2026.
CRTA's observation mission also recorded almost 850 activities of public officials, national and local, in the first half of the campaign, around 40 per cent of them in the third week. Local public officials stepped up their activities in an official capacity as the campaign progressed, while national officials were most active in the second week.
CRTA's observers also recorded a 70 per cent increase in cases with elements of misuse of public office and public resources between the first and the third week of the campaign.
Chart 7.6. Recorded cases with elements of misuse of office and resources rising week by week
CRTA's observers also recorded a 70 per cent increase in cases with elements of misuse of public office and public resources between the first and the third week of the campaign.
Chart 7.6. Recorded cases with elements of misuse of office and resources rising week by week
Recorded cases with elements of misuse of office and resources rose week on week
Source: CRTA Election Observation Mission, observer field reports, 9-30 September 2026.
In the first half of the campaign, national state officials appeared across Serbia predominantly in the capacity of their public office. In only a quarter of their appearances were they active in a party capacity: collecting and submitting signatures, party meetings, stands, presentations of candidates and party rallies.
For example, on 11 September the most senior state leadership also took direct part in electoral mobilisation: those taking part in the collection of support signatures for the ruling list included, among others, the President of the Republic, the Speaker of the National Assembly and government ministers, https://link.crta.rs/112.
Chart 7.7. Party appearances follow the official visibility of national officials
Chart 7.7. Party appearances follow the official visibility of national officials
Party appearances track the official visibility of national officials
All appearances of senior state officials (n=561)Party and campaign appearances (n=145, 25.8%)
Source: CRTA Election Observation Mission, observer field reports, 9-30 September 2026; database export 5 October 2026.
The intertwining of official and party roles can also be seen in the way these officials organised their field visits. On the same day they would carry out public activities within or outside their own portfolio and then also take part in party stands or meetings.
For example: on 15 September the Minister of Economy, Adrijana Mesarović, visited the company Unipromet in Čačak, took part in a stand and in a meeting of the SNS municipal branch in Gornji Milanovac and in a meeting of the SNS city branch in Čačak; on 17 September the Minister of Environmental Protection, Sara Pavkov, attended the marking of the Day of the Municipality of Mali Zvornik- https://link.crta.rs/11o, visited the Gradska toplana heating plant in Šabac and the public utility company “Naš dom” in Loznica, and also took part in a meeting of the SNS city branch in Šabac, https://link.crta.rs/11m.
These phenomena point to the persistence of practices that blur the line between state and party in elections and that, by misleading voters, create an impermissible institutional advantage for those in power. After the 2022, 2023 and 2024 elections, the OSCE/ODIHR pointed to the blurring of the line between state and party in Serbia. Following the 2022 elections it recommended that the use of public office and public resources in the campaign be prevented, that the official and campaign activities of office-holders be clearly separated, that public sector employees be protected from political pressure and that effective action on violations be ensured. It identified similar problems after the 2023 elections, and in its report on the 2024 local elections it again warned of practices that give an advantage to those in power. OSCE/ODIHR, Final Report on the 2022 Presidential and Early Parliamentary Elections in Serbia (Warsaw, 19 August 2022); OSCE/ODIHR, Final Report on the 2023 Early Parliamentary Elections in Serbia (Warsaw, 28 February 2024); OSCE/ODIHR, Final Report on the 2024 Local Elections in Serbia (Warsaw, 30 August 2024).
These phenomena point to the persistence of practices that blur the line between state and party in elections and that, by misleading voters, create an impermissible institutional advantage for those in power. After the 2022, 2023 and 2024 elections, the OSCE/ODIHR pointed to the blurring of the line between state and party in Serbia. Following the 2022 elections it recommended that the use of public office and public resources in the campaign be prevented, that the official and campaign activities of office-holders be clearly separated, that public sector employees be protected from political pressure and that effective action on violations be ensured. It identified similar problems after the 2023 elections, and in its report on the 2024 local elections it again warned of practices that give an advantage to those in power. OSCE/ODIHR, Final Report on the 2022 Presidential and Early Parliamentary Elections in Serbia (Warsaw, 19 August 2022); OSCE/ODIHR, Final Report on the 2023 Early Parliamentary Elections in Serbia (Warsaw, 28 February 2024); OSCE/ODIHR, Final Report on the 2024 Local Elections in Serbia (Warsaw, 30 August 2024).
Intertwining of the candidate list and institutions in the campaign
Almost every second case of the use of public resources and public office for party purposes concerned the attribution of the achievements of institutions to an electoral actor - which in this period was the prevailing pattern of misleading voters about the relationship between the state and the ruling party. This pattern was recorded in 43 cities and municipalities.
For example: in Sirča, near Kraljevo, works on the road towards Sirčanska banja were presented as the result of an agreement reached at a meeting of the SNS local branch; the actors named include the director of the public utility company “Vodovod” and the head of the Raški administrative district. In Trstenik, a post by the municipal president, Milena Turk, on the reconstruction of Ulica Radoja Krstića, which is financed by the ministry, was reproduced on the official page of SNS Trstenik as a party activity, https://link.crta.rs/11j.
Chart 7.8. The most frequent forms of misuse of public resources in observer reports
Chart 7.8. The most frequent forms of misuse of public resources in observer reports
Most frequent forms of misuse of public resources in observer reports
The shares do not add up to 100 per cent: the three most frequent forms are shown, and the remainder are individually less frequent forms.
Source: CRTA Election Observation Mission, observer field reports, 9-30 September 2026.
It was recorded that municipal utility workers and party activists jointly tidied up public spaces. Preventive health check-ups were promoted through party channels. In some cases the check-ups also took place as part of party activities.
In Smederevo, preventive check-ups by the health centre were linked to party activities, while SNS Trstenik promoted a mobile clinic and field visits with the participation of professional staff of the Social Work Centre. SNS Trstenik (snstrstenik https://www.instagram.com/snstrstenik/?e=6929fb00-3222-4660-839e-839d4b75e621&g=5), Instagram post, 1 October 2026, archived 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/120. In Šepšin, a public space was tidied up jointly by workers of the municipal utility company and SNS activists. Preventive check-ups by the Bela Palanka health centre were promoted by a local SNS account, while in Seone, near Smederevo, check-ups by a health institution were held as part of an action announced by the SNS city branch, .https://link.crta.rs/11l.
The intertwining of institutions and the campaign was also visible in the engagement of public sector employees at party events, and in suspicions that the vehicles and equipment of public enterprises were used for the purposes of those activities. In Sombor, on 15 September, the directors of the “Soko” sports centre and of the “Mika Antić” children's home were present at the SNS stand during working hours; on the same day, in Kljajićevo, a lorry of the public utility company “Čistoća” was filmed, with boxes being carried from it into party premises.
The intertwining of institutions and the campaign was also visible in the engagement of public sector employees at party events, and in suspicions that the vehicles and equipment of public enterprises were used for the purposes of those activities. In Sombor, on 15 September, the directors of the “Soko” sports centre and of the “Mika Antić” children's home were present at the SNS stand during working hours; on the same day, in Kljajićevo, a lorry of the public utility company “Čistoća” was filmed, with boxes being carried from it into party premises.
Freedom of choice under control: pressure and the conditioning of political support
Three patterns of possible influence on citizens' political choices stand out in the campaign so far: pressure, the offering or conditioning of benefits, and suspicions of the unlawful collection of personal data.
Over the three weeks, CRTA's observation mission recorded 122 reports in 40 cities and municipalities that raise suspicions of pressure, clientelism, the buying of support or the misuse of personal data. Almost every second recorded activity (within this set) involved possible vote-buying or clientelism (59), more than every third involved political pressure (44), and every fifth a possible misuse of personal data (24).
In half of the cases in which it was possible to identify the actor, these activities were linked to the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and to the list “United Serbia”. Accounts of contested signature collection and of the use of personal data were associated with Russian Party - Srbija u BRIKS-u, while the offering of money for a support signature was associated with the citizens' group Uglješa Grgur and with the list of Bogoljub Karić. A. L., “Karić's Pokret snaga Srbije collected signatures for a candidate list in Novi Sad: eyewitnesses claim that 7,000 dinars was paid per signature, the party denies it”, Danas, 22 September 2026, accessed 5 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12s. CRTA, One and a half thousand dinars for a signature for a candidate list? (Belgrade: CRTA, 2026), https://link.crta.rs/12t.
Over the three weeks, CRTA's observation mission recorded 122 reports in 40 cities and municipalities that raise suspicions of pressure, clientelism, the buying of support or the misuse of personal data. Almost every second recorded activity (within this set) involved possible vote-buying or clientelism (59), more than every third involved political pressure (44), and every fifth a possible misuse of personal data (24).
In half of the cases in which it was possible to identify the actor, these activities were linked to the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and to the list “United Serbia”. Accounts of contested signature collection and of the use of personal data were associated with Russian Party - Srbija u BRIKS-u, while the offering of money for a support signature was associated with the citizens' group Uglješa Grgur and with the list of Bogoljub Karić. A. L., “Karić's Pokret snaga Srbije collected signatures for a candidate list in Novi Sad: eyewitnesses claim that 7,000 dinars was paid per signature, the party denies it”, Danas, 22 September 2026, accessed 5 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12s. CRTA, One and a half thousand dinars for a signature for a candidate list? (Belgrade: CRTA, 2026), https://link.crta.rs/12t.
The “Srbija Kargo a.d.” case: testimony on political pressure and misuse
Employees gave testimony to CRTA about the organised giving of support signatures for the list “Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia” under the supervision of managers, with identity cards scanned repeatedly at several points (Savski venac, Čukarica) and with the data of some employees used in their absence. The testimony covers coerced attendance at party rallies and marches, during and outside working hours (in the afternoons and at weekends, with photographs sent to managers as proof of attendance); work in the SNS call centre (Mali Mokri Lug); threats of dismissal and of reduced pay for refusing to take part; the rewarding of political obedience (bonuses of between two and 20 per cent and paid overtime); and the selection of employees for dismissal according to political loyalty. One female employee was, according to her testimony, offered that she would be “spared” if she agreed to take part.
The employees also reported the use of company resources for party activities (official vehicles, laptops and premises), with suspicions that calls to voters were being organised on those premises. They pointed to political influence over personnel decisions and to invoices being accepted without supporting documentation. As they describe it, the company has in practice completely changed its line of work and been turned into an organisation for party activity, in which employment and pay are made conditional on political engagement.
Pressure through the workplace
Accounts of explicit political pressure in the workplace were recorded in at least 16 cities and municipalities. The pressure concerned demands to sign support, to collect “safe votes” and to take part in the campaign, as well as threats of consequences for people's employment because of their political preference or their refusal to carry out party tasks. All the cases are linked to the Serbian Progressive Party and to the list “United Serbia”.
| Type of institution | Some of the cases recorded in the field |
|---|---|
| Health care | Centar za medicinsku biohemiju Kliničkog centra Srbije in Belgrade - demands that employees sign support for the candidacy; Zavod za urgentnu medicinu in Novi Sad - signatures and the collection of “safe votes”; Dom zdravlja in Smederevska Palanka - the organised arrival of employees to sign support for the candidacy. |
| Public enterprises | EDS and EPS in Smederevska Palanka - employees called on to sign support for the candidacy; the company “Sloboda” in Čačak - signatures and the collection of “capillary votes” (votes gathered one by one through personal networks); JKP “Parking servis” in Mladenovac - employees engaged to visit households in door-to-door canvassing; JKP “Vodokanal” in Sombor - a demand that employees attend a |
| party event. | |
| Administration/services | Poreska uprava in Mladenovac - an account of pressure on employees to sign support for the candidacy; Policijska uprava in Užice - testimony by a female employee about lists of “safe votes”; the branch of Nacionalna služba za zapošljavanje in Čačak - calling subsidy recipients and recording their electoral preference; Sekretarijat za socijalnu zaštitu Beograda - accounts of threats against empl |
| do not attend rallies. | |
| Schools and culture | Škola “Radomir Lazić” in Azanja - testimony about a contract not being renewed; OŠ “Radoje Domanović” in Manojlovce - an account that the head teacher lost his post because he had not signed support for the candidacy; Kulturni centar in Smederevska Palanka - employees arriving to sign support for the candidacy; Gradska biblioteka in Užice - testimony by a female employee about calls for her to |
| take part in party activity. |
Pressure was also recorded at private employers. In the private sector, demands were recorded that company owners submit information on the political preferences of their employees. According to another account, business people who use state incentives were called on to state whether they supported the ruling list. In Novi Pazar, an observer was sent a photograph of a document entitled “Table of capillary votes” (“Tabela kapilarnih glasova”), bearing SNS markings, which, according to the source, was photographed at a workplace in a private company, while further interlocutors state that employees are being asked to be registered as “safe voters”. An account was also recorded that promised cash assistance was being made conditional on a support signature.
Electoral clientelism
Without precedent in previous elections, an extraordinary cash payment of 6,000.00 dinars (around 50 euros) was made in the first half of the campaign to all adult citizens who are shareholders of the Shareholder Fund, and also to those who are not but who applied through the portal of the Treasury Administration.
The payments were made between 22 and 25 September. According to available data, close to 250 million euros was paid out from the Shareholder Fund to 4.8 million citizens. For payments to citizens who are not shareholders of the Shareholder Fund but who applied for the payment, the state set aside 150 million euros directly from the budget through a budget revision at the last session of the National Assembly before the early elections were called. The budget revision and the payment were carried out on the basis of the Law on mitigating the consequences of the energy crisis and the rise in the cost of living for certain categories of the population through one-off financial support and a one-off cash benefit, which the Government of Serbia proposed on 20 August: https://link.crta.rs/12u
In the same period, from 14 September, pensioners were paid one-off assistance of 20,000, 27,500 or 35,000 dinars, depending on the size of their pension, while recipients of social cash assistance and of child allowance were paid 25,000 dinars each. These payments were used for the promotional activities of those in power during the campaign.
On 14 September, the Minister of Finance Siniša Mali announced that a total of 50 billion dinars had been paid out to around two million citizens, and on the same day, at an event of the Republic Pension and Disability Insurance Fund, he spoke with pensioners about precisely that payment. Republic Pension and Disability Insurance Fund (rfpio.rs), post on the Instagram page, 13 September 2026, archived 2 October 2026, https://www.instagram.com/rfpio.rs/?hl=en&e=1e97b078-4103-4bff-9a90-f41b2da12a95&g=5 https://link.crta.rs/11z.
According to some testimony, a job, the completion of public works, money or household appliances were offered in exchange for a vote or a support signature. In Užice, an account was recorded that promised cash assistance was being made conditional on a support signature, and in Mladenovac that households which do not support the SNS were left out of the distribution of firewood. In the same municipality, according to an interlocutor's account, socially vulnerable families were offered household appliances in exchange for a vote, with activists asked to submit lists of vulnerable households.
Other observations concern the distribution of assistance and gifts during the campaign. In Čonoplja near Sombor an account was recorded of cured meat products being handed out, while in Čačak, through the SNS action “Good neighbour” (“Dobar komšija”), an oven was given to a family. In Draškovac near Leskovac the head of the local community office handed out “We care about you” (“Brinemo o vama”) packages bearing the logo of the City of Leskovac; according to the source, the recipients included financially well-off local residents, while only a small number of socially vulnerable people received assistance.
According to some testimony, a job, the completion of public works, money or household appliances were offered in exchange for a vote or a support signature. In Užice, an account was recorded that promised cash assistance was being made conditional on a support signature, and in Mladenovac that households which do not support the SNS were left out of the distribution of firewood. In the same municipality, according to an interlocutor's account, socially vulnerable families were offered household appliances in exchange for a vote, with activists asked to submit lists of vulnerable households.
Other observations concern the distribution of assistance and gifts during the campaign. In Čonoplja near Sombor an account was recorded of cured meat products being handed out, while in Čačak, through the SNS action “Good neighbour” (“Dobar komšija”), an oven was given to a family. In Draškovac near Leskovac the head of the local community office handed out “We care about you” (“Brinemo o vama”) packages bearing the logo of the City of Leskovac; according to the source, the recipients included financially well-off local residents, while only a small number of socially vulnerable people received assistance.
Accounts of possible misuse of personal data
Alongside the unlawful influencing of voters through pressure and clientelism, suspicions were recorded that citizens' personal data were being collected or used for campaign purposes. The accounts concern the taking of documents from employees who were asked for a support signature, the possible use of previously scanned identity cards in the collection and certification of signatures for the registration of the list “United Serbia”, and lists which, alongside a name and contact details, contain an assessment of electoral support. In some places, citizens stated that activists of the Serbian Progressive Party had contacted them on their private telephone numbers and had at their disposal data about the members of their households, and that the origin of those data was not known to them.
Selected cases of pressure, conditioning and the recording of political support in the first three weeks of the campaign
- In Mladenovac it was reported that an employee of JKP “Parking servis” visited selected households, presented himself as acting on behalf of the SNS and asked questions about support for Aleksandar Vučić and about local problems. According to information submitted to an observer, the answers were recorded on previously prepared lists, and the employees were engaged for these visits by the acting director of the company, in part during working hours.
- At the Institute for Emergency Medicine in Novi Sad, a female employee stated that administrative staff and some of the medical staff were sent towards the end of the working day to Sremski Karlovci to sign support for the candidacy of the list “United Serbia”. According to her testimony, identity cards were taken from employees and an internal list was drawn up, while some staff were also asked to secure “safe votes”. She stated that employees on fixed-term contracts were particularly exposed to the threat of their contracts not being renewed.
- On 22 September, CRTA's observation mission also published audio testimony from a female employee of the Postal Savings Bank (Poštanska štedionica). She stated that employees were required to sign support for the SNS list and to take part in rallies and other campaign activities, including staying at the camp in front of the Presidency. In her words, obedience was rewarded and refusal had consequences.
- In Kragujevac, the mother of a child with cystic fibrosis was removed from a parents' Viber group immediately after she posted on social media a photograph from the queue to sign support for the Student List.
- According to testimony from a female employee at the branch of the National Employment Service in Čačak, some employees were given the task of calling business people who use state incentives. Alongside questions about their business, they asked them whether they would vote for list number one and sorted the answers by colour.
- A recording of a party meeting (of the SNS) in Mladenovac captured a conversation about packages, household appliances and rewards for activists. The source further stated that household appliances had been offered to socially vulnerable families in exchange for a vote.
- In Niš, a female observer recorded the offering of 1,500 dinars for a support signature for the citizens' group Uglješa Grgur.
- In Novi Sad, a suspicion of payment for support signatures for the list of Bogoljub Karić was also recorded. On 20 September an observer recorded the organised transport of citizens to the signing and statements by participants about an expected or postponed cash payment.
Polarisation, obstruction and security incidents
Observer reports indicate a serious undermining of the conditions for free and equal electoral competition: obstacles to the collection of support for candidacies, interference with campaigning before voters, and threats to the safety of campaign participants, observers and journalists.
Threats to the freedom to campaign: police actions against the list “Student List - Students Are Winning”
Since the elections were called, CRTA's observation mission has recorded two cases of action by the police, that is by economic crime inspectors, against the candidate list “Student List - Students Are Winning”. The accounts obtained by CRTA indicate politically motivated action by the police, which gives rise to a reasonable suspicion of a grave misuse of public resources, that is of the apparatus of coercion. These cases are without precedent in earlier parliamentary elections.
The police actions appear to have a political motive behind them. On 16 September, officers of the Economic Crime Department came to a warehouse in which the candidate list's promotional material was stored. According to accounts from the students and their lawyers, they had no court warrant and left without entering the premises.118 Two weeks later, on 1 October, the police in Belgrade stopped a van transporting the list's electoral material. The driver was fined for improper parking, the vehicle was sent for an extraordinary technical inspection, and a threat was made to remove its number plates. The inspectors who had taken part in the entry to the warehouse also appeared at the scene.119 The Ministry of the Interior has so far not publicly explained the legal basis for, or the reason behind, these actions.
Under the OSCE Copenhagen Document (para. 7.7), the state is obliged to ensure that “neither administrative action nor intimidation” prevents candidates from campaigning freely.
The fact that at least 10 recordings of intercepted conversations of the Student List were broadcast on the cable television channel Informer in the first half of the campaign also points to intimidation. This case is dealt with in detail in the chapter on the media.
118 Insajder, “Students in Blockade: police officers came to our warehouse without a warrant”, https://link.crta.rs/12v
119 Students Are Winning, “The police are stopping vehicles transporting our pre-election material”, https://link.crta.rs/12w
Negative campaigning, obstruction and violence were recorded in 203 cases in 45 cities and municipalities, and in approximately two thirds of those places they recurred over several days. Obstruction was most pronounced during the collection of signatures: more than a third of the observations were recorded between 11 and 13 September, mainly because appointments were cancelled and certifying officers were available only to a limited extent. Negative campaigning intensified as the campaign went on, while clashes at stands, threats and the physical obstruction of journalists limited both campaigning before voters and reporting.
Chart 7.9. Obstruction leads at the start, negative campaigning and violence grow as the campaign goes on
Chart 7.9. Obstruction leads at the start, negative campaigning and violence grow as the campaign goes on
Obstruction leads at the start, while negative campaigning and violence grow as the campaign goes on
Negative campaigning and hate speechObstruction of political opponentsPhysical and verbal violence
Source: CRTA Election Observation Mission, observer field reports, 9-30 September 2026.
The halting of the student campaign in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Both leading lists - “United Serbia” and the Student List - also directed their campaigns at voters in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with visible differences in the conditions for political activity. The student campaign's attempt to reach voters met with obstruction, police interventions and an attack on activists. After police action in Brčko, activists being taken in for questioning in Doboj and an attack in Višegrad, the organisers halted the campaign and cancelled their announced visit to Banjaluka on 25 September.
Activities aimed at this electorate had previously drawn on the institutional and party infrastructure available to those in power. At the beginning of August, Aleksandar Vučić toured the Republika Srpska and returnee communities in the Federation of BiH, meeting local leaderships, promoting Serbia's assistance and delivering messages about the forthcoming elections. On 26 August, CRTA published a recording of a telephone call from Banjaluka in which a woman, presenting herself as calling on behalf of the SNS, offers a visit by a mobile team to scan a Serbian identity card and register the person to vote. The recording raised questions about the origin of the personal data and about unlawful party mediation in the registration of voters.
Discrediting and targeting of political opponents, journalists, observers and citizens
Labelling, discrediting and targeting are the most frequently recorded form of negative campaigning. They are most often found in the communication of the Serbian Progressive Party and of the list “United Serbia”, as well as among some public officials and local and regional news portals close to those in power. The messages were predominantly directed against the Student List, its candidates and student and civic activists, and in some cases against independent media.
Political opponents were portrayed as violent individuals, criminals, separatists or representatives of foreign interests. The label “blokaderi” (blockaders), the term used by those in power for the demonstrators, was repeated in party posts, in officials' appearances and in media content, often in place of the name of the candidate list. Contesting the opponents' political offer was extended to discrediting their candidates and presenting their political engagement as a threat to society.
Discrediting messages were also conveyed through an organised campaign in different places. The travelling exhibition “Black box” (“Crna kutija”), or “Blockaders' Serbia” (“Blokaderska Srbija”), was shown in Kragujevac, Kraljevo and Subotica. Recordings, photographs and objects from earlier protests and blockades were used to present the student and civic movement as a source of violence and disorder. The opening in Kraljevo was attended by the Minister of Economy Adrijana Mesarović and the mayor Predrag Terzić, as well as by employees of the city administration. Portal KRUG, post on the Facebook platform, 22 September 2026, archived 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/121
In the video campaign “I am a ćacika too” (“I ja sam ćacika”), women in short video clips took over the pejorative label “ćacika/ćaci” (used by supporters of the student movement for supporters of those in power) while publicly declaring their support for the list “Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia”. The campaign was recorded in at least 17 cities and municipalities, from Novi Sad to Bor, Zaječar and Priboj. SNS Zaječar (@sns_zajecar), post on the Instagram platform, 24 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12d. SNS OO Majdanpek (@sns_oo_majdanpek), post on the Instagram platform, 24 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12e. In some of the clips the declaration of support was accompanied by direct discrediting of the opposing side: at a stand at the Futoška pijaca market in Novi Sad the opponents were presented as an option that “calls for violence, for rape and violence against women, and makes threats”, while a post at national level states that the opponents “threatened rape... and targeted their children”. Women ministers and senior women officials also took part in this action. Sara Pavkov (@sarapavkov), post on the Instagram platform, 23 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12f. Đurić Nevena (@djuric_nevena), post on the Instagram platform, 23 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12g. Jelena Žarić Kovačević (@jecazaric), post on the Instagram platform, 23 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12h.
In Kikinda, printed material was recorded being put into letterboxes in which critics of those in power and supporters of the Student List are targeted with accusations and insulting descriptions that encourage hostility towards them. A separate page is devoted to each targeted person, with the common message that their “hands are bloody”. Those covered include prosecutors, university professors, politicians, journalists, lawyers and civic activists, presented through accusations of crime, of hostility towards the Serbian people and of responsibility for the deaths of citizens. The Prosecutor for Organised Crime Mladen Nenadić was labelled a “protector of criminals”, the Rector of the University of Belgrade Vladan Đokić the “blokaderi's candidate for prime minister”, and Zlatko Kokanović and Sulejman Ugljanin haters of Serbs, that is of the Serbian people. The journalist Žaklina Tatalović was presented as a “half-trained journalist and blokaderka”, Professor Jovo Bakić as a “false intellectual”, Ivanka Popović was presented as a blokaderka ready “to hand over Kosovo and Metohija, the Republika Srpska, Sandžak, Vojvodina”, and Dragan Đilas as a “snake-oil salesman and a thief”.
Political opponents were portrayed as violent individuals, criminals, separatists or representatives of foreign interests. The label “blokaderi” (blockaders), the term used by those in power for the demonstrators, was repeated in party posts, in officials' appearances and in media content, often in place of the name of the candidate list. Contesting the opponents' political offer was extended to discrediting their candidates and presenting their political engagement as a threat to society.
Discrediting messages were also conveyed through an organised campaign in different places. The travelling exhibition “Black box” (“Crna kutija”), or “Blockaders' Serbia” (“Blokaderska Srbija”), was shown in Kragujevac, Kraljevo and Subotica. Recordings, photographs and objects from earlier protests and blockades were used to present the student and civic movement as a source of violence and disorder. The opening in Kraljevo was attended by the Minister of Economy Adrijana Mesarović and the mayor Predrag Terzić, as well as by employees of the city administration. Portal KRUG, post on the Facebook platform, 22 September 2026, archived 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/121
In the video campaign “I am a ćacika too” (“I ja sam ćacika”), women in short video clips took over the pejorative label “ćacika/ćaci” (used by supporters of the student movement for supporters of those in power) while publicly declaring their support for the list “Aleksandar Vučić - United Serbia”. The campaign was recorded in at least 17 cities and municipalities, from Novi Sad to Bor, Zaječar and Priboj. SNS Zaječar (@sns_zajecar), post on the Instagram platform, 24 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12d. SNS OO Majdanpek (@sns_oo_majdanpek), post on the Instagram platform, 24 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12e. In some of the clips the declaration of support was accompanied by direct discrediting of the opposing side: at a stand at the Futoška pijaca market in Novi Sad the opponents were presented as an option that “calls for violence, for rape and violence against women, and makes threats”, while a post at national level states that the opponents “threatened rape... and targeted their children”. Women ministers and senior women officials also took part in this action. Sara Pavkov (@sarapavkov), post on the Instagram platform, 23 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12f. Đurić Nevena (@djuric_nevena), post on the Instagram platform, 23 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12g. Jelena Žarić Kovačević (@jecazaric), post on the Instagram platform, 23 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12h.
In Kikinda, printed material was recorded being put into letterboxes in which critics of those in power and supporters of the Student List are targeted with accusations and insulting descriptions that encourage hostility towards them. A separate page is devoted to each targeted person, with the common message that their “hands are bloody”. Those covered include prosecutors, university professors, politicians, journalists, lawyers and civic activists, presented through accusations of crime, of hostility towards the Serbian people and of responsibility for the deaths of citizens. The Prosecutor for Organised Crime Mladen Nenadić was labelled a “protector of criminals”, the Rector of the University of Belgrade Vladan Đokić the “blokaderi's candidate for prime minister”, and Zlatko Kokanović and Sulejman Ugljanin haters of Serbs, that is of the Serbian people. The journalist Žaklina Tatalović was presented as a “half-trained journalist and blokaderka”, Professor Jovo Bakić as a “false intellectual”, Ivanka Popović was presented as a blokaderka ready “to hand over Kosovo and Metohija, the Republika Srpska, Sandžak, Vojvodina”, and Dragan Đilas as a “snake-oil salesman and a thief”.
Figure 7.1. Brochures with discrediting content were distributed by being put into citizens' letterboxes
On 21 September, the mayor of Kraljevo Predrag Terzić published on his official Facebook profile a video about the Student List candidate Jovana Jemović which focused on her private life.
Nenad Božović, “Students remember him for his bloodied middle finger: the mayor of Kraljevo has now gone a step further - he even mentions the child of a female political opponent”, N1, 23 September 2026, accessed 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/122
The same content was shared by other local actors close to the ruling party. In video content by Branko Babić, people connected with the Student List and with the protests were attacked through their family ties and through unverified personal claims.
Brano Babić (srbiija.pobedjuje), post on the Instagram platform, 1 October 2026, archived 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/123.
In several cases, insulting and satirical content directed against representatives of those in power was also recorded, including a photomontage about Aleksandar Vučić by the Novi Sad citizens' assemblies. Zborovi Novi Sad (@zborovinovisad), post on the Instagram platform, 30 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12b.
In several cases, insulting and satirical content directed against representatives of those in power was also recorded, including a photomontage about Aleksandar Vučić by the Novi Sad citizens' assemblies. Zborovi Novi Sad (@zborovinovisad), post on the Instagram platform, 30 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12b.
Obstruction of political opponents' activities in the field
Alongside obstacles during the collection and certification of signatures, obstruction was also recorded of the presentation of programmes, of party stands and of receptions for participants in the student cycling tour.
The most visible pattern is the setting up of SNS stands at the places and times previously announced by the Student List. In some places such activities passed off without conflict; in others they involved occupying the space, drowning out speakers with loudspeakers, insulting chanting and following the opponents' gathering after it had changed location.
The most visible pattern is the setting up of SNS stands at the places and times previously announced by the Student List. In some places such activities passed off without conflict; in others they involved occupying the space, drowning out speakers with loudspeakers, insulting chanting and following the opponents' gathering after it had changed location.
Selected cases of obstruction of political opponents' activities in the field
- In Kraljevo, on 19 September, SNS stands were set up roughly half an hour before announced student activities at five locations. The mayor, the head of the administrative district and the directors of public enterprises were present at them.
- In a message from an internal SNS group in Ćuprija, members were called on to gather in as large numbers as possible because of a “blokaderi” stand being held, with times and locations that matched the announced activities of the Student List.
- In Paraćin, on 25 September, SNS supporters occupied the space set aside for the reception of the cyclists, and then moved their stands to the new location chosen by the organisers. The reception was finally held at the original place, with a police cordon and chants of “ustaše” (Ustasha, the Second World War fascist movement) directed at the participants. Two days later, the space for the presentation of the Student List's candidates was occupied about an hour and a half before the gathering was due to begin. The police directed the organisers to another location, where the gathering was held without incident.
- In Aleksinac, according to the testimony of one of them, the organisers changed the place of the reception and shortened the cyclists' stay in order to avoid conflict, but SNS supporters appeared at the new place as well.
- In Niš, on 24 September, the reception for the cyclists was moved from Trg kralja Aleksandra to the area in front of the National Theatre after another political gathering was announced. SNS stands were set up at the new location as well. Observer findings describe the presence of motorcyclists with covered faces, the revving of engines, heckling and the lighting of flares, which disrupted the speeches and the course of the reception. The presence of the mayor of Niš, Dragoslav Pavlović, was also recorded.
Threats, intimidation and physical attacks
Polarisation was also visible in direct encounters in the field. Chants of “ustaše”, personal insults, attempts to snatch flags and banners and threats of physical violence accompanied some electoral activities. In some cases verbal clashes lasting several hours escalated into physical confrontations. Physical or verbal violence was recorded in 49 observer reports from at least 16 cities and municipalities.
Those involved in the incidents were not only unidentified individuals, but also candidates, party activists and public office-holders.
Those involved in the incidents were not only unidentified individuals, but also candidates, party activists and public office-holders.
Selected cases of threats, intimidation and physical clashes during the campaign
- In Smederevska Palanka (11 September), a female observer directly recorded a scuffle between the municipal president Nikola Vučen and a participant in a protest march who had stuck a student sticker on the window of party premises.
- In Sombor, on 21 September, a participant in the cycling tour stated that the president of the Sombor Sports Association Miloš Mijić insulted him and lunged at him with his fists as he cycled past. According to the same testimony, the cyclists had agreed beforehand to pass as far as possible from the assembled SNS supporters and without stopping.
- In Sombor, on 22 September, it was recorded that party and public officials, directors of public enterprises and employees of public services met the student cyclists at the exit from the city. The observer report and the accompanying recordings describe insulting heckling, including the shouting of “ustaše” by a female employee of the mayor's office. 127
- The case recorded on 29 September near the Futoška pijaca market in Novi Sad stands out in particular. About an hour after the student stand was set up, a group of SNS activists appeared, among them the candidate for MP Vukašin Đoković. The published recording shows his attempt to snatch a “Students Are Winning” flag, after which a physical clash followed.128
- Later the same evening, after another student banner was snatched, a physical confrontation took place. An observer directly saw men gathered on the side of the students and citizens catch up with the person who had taken the banner, knock him down onto the street and kick him. Another clash then followed at the SNS stand. The police intervened, and the Student List's lead candidate Ilija Srdanović called on those present to disperse. 129
- In Belgrade, on 28 September, Tatjana Mićić, a councillor of the Kreni-Promeni movement, stated that the mayor Aleksandar Šapić had physically attacked her and her husband during an encounter in the street. Šapić denied that he had hit her and said that he had pushed her away. The prosecution office confirmed that it had ordered the collection of information and medical examinations, and that injuries had been established on Mićić and her husband. 130
- Tomislav Veljković from Rača received death threats over a social network, following earlier public targeting by the local SNS branch.
- The Student List candidate Jovo Bakić also announced that he had received death threats.
- In Kula, the organisation Mladi Kula stated that Vukašin Đoković had threatened one of their activists, mentioning his family, his address and a possible “ambush”.131
Konjarnik: competition for public space and rising tension in the campaign
In Konjarnik, the competition for public space grew from parallel campaign activities into verbal clashes and incidents, with those gathered separated by a police cordon. At the junction of Ustanička and Vojislava Ilića, on 29 September, one Student List stand and two SNS stands were recorded, with no contact between the groups. By 1 October, SNS activists were recorded throwing lighters at cars that were sounding their horns in support of the Student List, after which the local citizens' assembly asked for police protection for its evening gatherings. The SNS presence was increased on 4 October, with tents and motorcyclists, and the following day its stands were set up at the place where the citizens' assembly gathers. A police cordon separated the two groups; according to a source from the citizens' assembly, the gathering was accompanied by verbal attacks from both sides and by SNS supporters throwing lighters, to which the police did not react.
The tension was further carried over into the media space: Informer presented the events as an attack by violent “blokaderi” on peaceful SNS supporters, singling out Dijana Hrka in particular. Such a presentation of a local conflict contributes to the wider campaign narrative in which opponents of those in power are labelled as violent.132
The tension escalated on 6 October, when physical incidents and attacks on citizens took place. Among the attackers, a person was identified who, in Bor on 29 March, had lunged at a CRTA lawyer.
127 Сомборски Ћацији (SomborskiCaciji), post on the Facebook platform, 22 September 2026, archived 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/125.
128 Zbor građana MZ Prva vojvođanska brigada (@zbor_pvb_ns), post on the Instagram platform, 30 September 2026, archived 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12x .
129 Zborovi Novog Sada (@zborovinovisad), post on the Instagram platform, 29 September 2026, archived 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/127.
130 Kreni promeni (@kreni.promeni), post on the Instagram platform, 28 September 2026, archived 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/128.
131 Beta, “Mladi Kula: a candidate from the SNS list attacked our activist and also mentioned an ambush”, N1, 24 September 2026, accessed 2 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/129.
132 Ekipa politike, “Blokaderi ran riot in Konjarnik: they threatened SNS supporters, and then Dijana Hrka appeared (VIDEO)”, Informer, 4 October 2026, accessed 6 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/13b
Threats and attacks were also directed at representatives of those in power.
Recorded cases of attacks on representatives and activists of the ruling list:
- In Kula, on 25 September, a man damaged an SNS stand with an axe and, according to a police statement reported in the media, struck a party activist with the handle. 133
- In Niš, on 29 September, an SNS activist was injured during door-to-door canvassing. The following day the police announced that they had arrested Goran Jovanović, the honorary consul of Austria in Niš, on suspicion of endangerment by a dangerous implement in a fight or quarrel. According to the statement of the Ministry of the Interior, the suspect, holding a metal bar, headbutted a 53-year-old activist who, together with another person, had tried to survey him. The injured man was treated at the University Clinical Centre in Niš, and the suspect was remanded in custody for up to 48 hours.134
- The police in Niš also acted on threats made against Vladimir Lazarević on social networks during his appearance at an SNS rally.
- In Mirijevo, on 29 September, according to media information, an 81-year-old SNS member was injured while a stand of the ruling list was being set up. According to those accounts, an unknown person pushed him into a moving vehicle.
133 A. I. / B. B., “Vreme” learns: who is the man who attacked an SNS stand with an axe in Kula, Vreme, 25 September 2026, accessed 25 September 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12a
134 Dnevnik, “HANDCUFFS FOR THE HONORARY CONSUL OF AUSTRIA Suspected of headbutting an SNS activist who came into his yard to survey him”, Dnevnik, 30 September 2026, accessed 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12c
Violence also put at risk the direct observation of the campaign. An observer engaged for the Agency for Prevention of Corruption (ACAS) was attacked on 30 September in Blok 19a in Novi Beograd while photographing an SNS stand.
Journalists were exposed to threats and physical obstruction while reporting on the campaign.
Journalists were exposed to threats and physical obstruction while reporting on the campaign.
- In Kraljevo, the journalist Nenad Simović was filmed being pulled by the arm in which he was holding his camera, with a demand that he leave the SNS stand because he had no accreditation.
- In Niš, several men surrounded the journalist Magdalena Kostić while she was filming a party stand and demanded that she move away from the public space.
- In Zaječar, a journalist reporting from an SNS point was threatened with the words “I will break your glasses”.
- ANEM also reported that threats of physical violence had reached the editor of the Žig info portal, Željko Matorčević, from the account of an assistant to the president of the municipality of Grocka.
- A journalist from Istinomer received threats in Viber messages.
- The N1 journalist Mladen Savatović was subjected to insults, threats and an attempted physical attack while filming a building in Savski venac over suspicions of the registration of phantom voters, and the police, despite being called and having announced that they were coming, did not appear.
- NUNS pointed to the intimidation and obstruction of the journalist Mejrema Nokić at an SNS rally in Novi Pazar, and to the publication of personal data of citizens and journalists in Čačak on lists linked to “capillary votes” for the SNS, with the markings “PROTIV” (against) and “blokaderi”.
In some testimony, groups present alongside party activities were described as “batinaši” (thugs) or as people with a criminal history.
Vulnerable groups as targets of campaign promotion and conditioning
Children, older citizens and socially vulnerable families appear in this campaign too as targets of party promotion, of efforts to win support and of pressure. The recorded forms range from the involvement of children in electoral messages and activities, through the distribution of gifts bearing party insignia, to accounts of assistance being offered in return for a vote and of the documents of residents of a home for the elderly being demanded under the threat that their contracts would be terminated. Of particular concern are the cases in which the position of those who decide on accommodation, care or the distribution of assistance is used for campaign purposes.
Children in electoral messages
Photographing and filming children is the most frequently recorded form of their possible political misuse: it is present in three out of every four observations of this kind (42 out of 56). Children were shown during officials' visits to families, at party stands and in promotional video content. The wearing of party insignia, the use of content intended for children for promotional purposes and the handing out of gifts were also recorded.
The presence of children was linked to party identity and to direct electoral messages.
The presence of children was linked to party identity and to direct electoral messages.
- In Šabac, a photograph was published of a child in a “United Serbia” T-shirt behind a party stand.
- In the action “On the campaign trail with Miloš”, a recording was published of a child showing Miloš Vučević a drawing of him and Aleksandar Vučić.
- In Bor, as part of the video campaign “I am a ćacika too”, a woman with a newborn child called on people to vote for the ruling list. 135
- In Zaječar, on 20 September, children took part in a sports event at Popova plaža, during which Miloš Vučević called for support for the ruling list. According to testimony from parents, consent to photograph the children was sought for the promotion of sport, with no indication that the event would have party content.
- In a promotional recording published on 26 September, Miloš Vučević and Adrijana Mesarović prepared pancakes for children in a van bearing “United Serbia” insignia. 136
135 SNS Bor (@sns_bor), post on the Instagram platform, 25 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12i.
136 Miloš Vučević (@milosvucevic), post on the Instagram platform, 25 September 2026, archived 3 October 2026, https://link.crta.rs/12j.
Older citizens and residents in accommodation and care
Among the activities directed at older citizens, visits and the handing out of gifts bearing party insignia were recorded. In Perlez, SNS activists visited the Club of Pensioners and Disabled Workers and handed over bags bearing the insignia of the ruling list.
Accounts from Gornji Milanovac and Belgrade raise suspicions that the position of residents of homes for the elderly and their personal data are being used for electoral purposes.
In Gornji Milanovac, according to information submitted to CRTA's observation mission, the director of a private home announced that a polling station would be set up in the institution and demanded that residents hand over their identity cards, under the threat that their contracts would be terminated. The source stated that a large proportion of the residents have advanced dementia and expressed the suspicion that voting would be organised without their having requested it themselves.
In Belgrade, the owner of a home for the elderly stated that he had received a call asking him to submit residents' personal data in order to set up a polling station in the home. The person who contacted him presented herself as a representative of the municipality, although, according to his testimony and to the evidence he made available for inspection, several months earlier she had invited the same owner, on behalf of a political party, to a meeting at the party's premises (those of the SNS).
The recorded cases raise suspicions of pressure on people in accommodation and care, and of the possible use of their documents without consent, a practice that was also recorded in earlier electoral cycles.
Accounts from Gornji Milanovac and Belgrade raise suspicions that the position of residents of homes for the elderly and their personal data are being used for electoral purposes.
In Gornji Milanovac, according to information submitted to CRTA's observation mission, the director of a private home announced that a polling station would be set up in the institution and demanded that residents hand over their identity cards, under the threat that their contracts would be terminated. The source stated that a large proportion of the residents have advanced dementia and expressed the suspicion that voting would be organised without their having requested it themselves.
In Belgrade, the owner of a home for the elderly stated that he had received a call asking him to submit residents' personal data in order to set up a polling station in the home. The person who contacted him presented herself as a representative of the municipality, although, according to his testimony and to the evidence he made available for inspection, several months earlier she had invited the same owner, on behalf of a political party, to a meeting at the party's premises (those of the SNS).
The recorded cases raise suspicions of pressure on people in accommodation and care, and of the possible use of their documents without consent, a practice that was also recorded in earlier electoral cycles.
Socially vulnerable families and the distribution of assistance
In some testimony, families' material needs are linked to a demand for political support.
In Mladenovac, a recording of a party meeting captured a conversation about the distribution of packages and household appliances and about rewards for activists. The source further stated that household appliances had been offered to socially vulnerable families in exchange for a vote, together with a request that a list of vulnerable households be submitted. The same account mentions voters being recorded according to whether their vote is considered safe or whether they need further persuading.
In Užice, according to testimony from the association “Anđeli”, recipients of assistance were told that they would not receive the promised state assistance of 6,000 dinars if they did not give a support signature.
In Mladenovac, a recording of a party meeting captured a conversation about the distribution of packages and household appliances and about rewards for activists. The source further stated that household appliances had been offered to socially vulnerable families in exchange for a vote, together with a request that a list of vulnerable households be submitted. The same account mentions voters being recorded according to whether their vote is considered safe or whether they need further persuading.
In Užice, according to testimony from the association “Anđeli”, recipients of assistance were told that they would not receive the promised state assistance of 6,000 dinars if they did not give a support signature.
The Roma community and local intermediaries
In the mobilisation of members of the Roma community, the engagement of local intermediaries was recorded, including people linked to services intended to support the community. In Čačak, the coordinator of the Roma office called on members of the community to sign support for the ruling coalition on the premises of the local community office and of the Office for Roma.
The engagement, for the purposes of one candidate list, of a person who mediates in the exercise of rights and in access to institutional support blurs the line between public service and party mobilisation.
The engagement, for the purposes of one candidate list, of a person who mediates in the exercise of rights and in access to institutional support blurs the line between public service and party mobilisation.
