Serbia scored 53 out of 100 in Freedom House's Freedom in the World 2025 report, a drop of 3 points from the previous year's score of 56, retaining its Partly Free status. The score breaks down into 18 out of 40 for political rights and 35 out of 60 for civil liberties. Three individual indicator scores declined during the assessment period, each linked to the government's response to the antigovernment protest movement that began in late 2024 and continued throughout 2025.
Freedom of assembly received one of the lowest scores in the report. Although constitutionally guaranteed, the right to protest has been systematically curtailed: participants in the movement faced excessive force from police, private security agencies, and masked individuals thought to be government-affiliated. Protesters were arrested, subjected to degrading treatment in custody, and had their devices confiscated. There have been allegations of authorities using illegal weapons, including CN tear gas and sonic devices. The score for this indicator declined from 2 to 1.
Academic freedom also deteriorated. Educators perceived as supporting the student-led protests faced retaliation, including non-renewal of contracts - with the Independent Trade Union of Educational Workers counting more than 100 such cases - salary reductions for faculty whose classes were not held during student blockades, and smear campaigns against university professors. Police confronted student protesters on university grounds on multiple occasions. The score for this indicator declined from 3 to 2.
Physical security for those associated with the protest movement worsened significantly. Perceived supporters were attacked by individuals thought to be government affiliates near protests, at sporting events, and on city streets. In July, President Vučić pardoned four individuals accused of attacking students with baseball bats. An explosive device was thrown at the home of an arrested student protester, and a florist who had expressed support for the protests suffered two arson attacks. The score for physical security declined from 3 to 2.
Beyond the three score changes, the report documents a broad pattern of democratic erosion. Independent media face intimidation, SLAPP lawsuits, and politically motivated pressure: in June 2025, President Vučić described reporting by N1 and Nova S as "pure terrorism" and suggested the prosecutor's office could act against them, shortly after both channels were removed from the satellite service owned by the partially state-owned Telekom Srbija. In June 2025, the Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia (NUNS) counted 135 press freedom violations since the start of the year, including 34 verbal threats and 19 physical attacks. In February 2025, Belgrade police raided the offices of four democracy watchdog organizations under warrants from anticorruption prosecutors, prompting condemnation from MEPs, NGOs, and opposition politicians. A draft law targeting organizations receiving more than 50% of their funding from foreign sources drew comparisons to similar legislation in Russia and Belarus, prompting numerous Serbian NGOs to withdraw from all government bodies in February 2025.
Freedom of assembly received one of the lowest scores in the report. Although constitutionally guaranteed, the right to protest has been systematically curtailed: participants in the movement faced excessive force from police, private security agencies, and masked individuals thought to be government-affiliated. Protesters were arrested, subjected to degrading treatment in custody, and had their devices confiscated. There have been allegations of authorities using illegal weapons, including CN tear gas and sonic devices. The score for this indicator declined from 2 to 1.
Academic freedom also deteriorated. Educators perceived as supporting the student-led protests faced retaliation, including non-renewal of contracts - with the Independent Trade Union of Educational Workers counting more than 100 such cases - salary reductions for faculty whose classes were not held during student blockades, and smear campaigns against university professors. Police confronted student protesters on university grounds on multiple occasions. The score for this indicator declined from 3 to 2.
Physical security for those associated with the protest movement worsened significantly. Perceived supporters were attacked by individuals thought to be government affiliates near protests, at sporting events, and on city streets. In July, President Vučić pardoned four individuals accused of attacking students with baseball bats. An explosive device was thrown at the home of an arrested student protester, and a florist who had expressed support for the protests suffered two arson attacks. The score for physical security declined from 3 to 2.
Physical security for those associated with the protest movement worsened significantly.
Beyond the three score changes, the report documents a broad pattern of democratic erosion. Independent media face intimidation, SLAPP lawsuits, and politically motivated pressure: in June 2025, President Vučić described reporting by N1 and Nova S as "pure terrorism" and suggested the prosecutor's office could act against them, shortly after both channels were removed from the satellite service owned by the partially state-owned Telekom Srbija. In June 2025, the Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia (NUNS) counted 135 press freedom violations since the start of the year, including 34 verbal threats and 19 physical attacks. In February 2025, Belgrade police raided the offices of four democracy watchdog organizations under warrants from anticorruption prosecutors, prompting condemnation from MEPs, NGOs, and opposition politicians. A draft law targeting organizations receiving more than 50% of their funding from foreign sources drew comparisons to similar legislation in Russia and Belarus, prompting numerous Serbian NGOs to withdraw from all government bodies in February 2025.
